 
Languages of this type mark <b>finiteness</b> differently in affirmative and negative sentences. Finnish is an example: <i><b>e-n</b> syö-nyt omena-a</i> ‘<b>Neg-1sg</b> eat-PTCP apple.PART’ for ‘I didn’t eat an apple’ (Dryer 2008). The negative auxiliary marks finiteness (takes subject agreement), normally reserved for verbs, and the main verb is in the form of a participle. <br><br>

According to Miestamo (2008), English is not an example of this kind of language. Although English marks finiteness differently in negative sentences, it does so by introducing an extra ‘category,’ the auxiliary <i>do</i>, rather than by marking finiteness on the negative morpheme itself. <br><br>The present property will follow Miestamo (2008), and will be used to identify languages which mark finiteness differently in negative clauses, when the difference does not involve the introduction of a new category. <br><br>

<b>Note:</b> Many languages have several types of assymetric negation. Such languages will be marked <b>yes</b> or <b>no</b> for each relevant property. Languages which <b>do not have asymetric negation</b> will be marked <b>N/A</b>. 

<br><br><b>References</b><br>
Dryer, Matthew S. 2008. Negative Morphemes.
In Haspelmath et al. (2008), chapter 112. Available online at <a href=â€http://wals.info/feature/112â€> http://wals.info/feature/112</a href>. Accessed on 2008-11-14.<br>
Miestamo, Matti. 2008. Subtypes of Asymmetric Negation.
In Haspelmath et al. (2008), chapter 114. Available online at <a href=â€http://wals.info/feature/114â€> http://wals.info/feature/113</a href>. Accessed on 2008-11-14.
